Чингисхан. Человек, завоевавший мир

137

Asimov & Bosworth, History of Civilizations iv part 1 p. 246. But see the contrary case argued in N. Iszamc, ‘L’etat feodal mongol et les conditions de sa formation,’ Etudes Mongoles 5 (1974) pp. 127–130.

138

Louis Hambis, ‘Un episode mal connu de l’histoire de Gengis khan,’ Journal des Savants (January-March 1975) pp. 3–46.

139

Tamura Jitsuzo, ‘The Legend of the Origin of the Mongols and Problems Concerning their Migration,’ Acta Asiatica 24 (1973) pp. 9–13; Barthold, Turkestan (1928) p. 381; Paul Pelliot, ‘Notes sur le “Turkestan” de W Barthold,’ T’oung Pao 27 (1930) pp. 12–56 (at p. 24).

140

RT i p. 130; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 132–133; Grousset, Empire p. 198. Ambaghai was taking his daughter to marry into the Ayiru’ut Buiru’ut sept, one of the subtribes of the Tartars. It is interesting that the practice of exogamy was so deeply ingrained with the Mongols that the Tayichiud would consider a match with the Tartars, their greatest enemies (Vladimirtsov, Le regime social pp. 58–59). Another version of the ambush is that it was not the intended bridegroom and family who betrayed him, but Tartar mercenaries (juyin) employed as gendarmes by the Jin who set the ambuscade (Rachewiltz, Commentary pp. 300–301).

141

Grousset, Empire pp. 194, 200.

142

Erdmann, Temudschin (1862) pp. 194–230.

143

Vladimirtsov, Le regime social pp. 89–92.

144

d’Ohsson, Histoire i p. 33.

145

RT i pp. 130–131.

146

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 12; Barfield, Perilous Frontier p. 184.

147

RT i p. 132; SHC pp. 11–13.

148

Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 320.

149

Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom p. 140.

150

Vladimirtsov; Life of Genghis p. 12; Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan pp. 15–16; Olbricht 8i Pinks, Meng-tapei-lup. 3.

151

SHO pp. 127–128; SHR pp. 74–75; Togan, Flexibility pp. 68–69.

152

SHO pp. 127–128; SHR pp. 74–75; Togan, Flexibility pp. 69–70.

153

The Tanguts had an unfortunate habit of supporting all the losers on the steppes (Khazanov, Nomads pp. 234–236).

154

Togan, Flexibility pp. 70–72.

155

K. Uray-Kohalmi, ‘Siberische Parallelen zur Ethnographie der geheimen Geschichte der Mongolen,’ in Ligeti, Mongolian Studies pp. 247–264 (at pp. 262–263).

156

L. V Clark, ‘The Theme of Revenge in the Secret History of the Mongols,’ in Clark & Draghi, Aspects of Altaic Civilization рр. 33–57; Clark, ‘From the Legendary Cycle of Cinggis-gayan: The Story of an Encounter with 300 Yayichiud from the Allan Tobci,’ Mongolian Studies 5 (1979) рр. 5–39 (at pp. 37–38).

157

RT i p. 134; SHC pp. 11–13.

158

Rachewiltz says that the name of this earlier wife ‘cannot be determined despite many scholarly efforts’ (Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 313). Ratchnevsky, however, (Genghis Khan pp. 15–16, 224) is adamant that her name was Suchigu or Suchikel, sometimes referred to as Ko’agchin.

159

For the Ongirrad subclan as Hoelun’s home see Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 402–409; Vladimirtsov Le regime social pp. 58–59. The Buriyat have generated a considerable literature. See Lattimore, Mongols of Manchuria p. 61; Atwood, Encyclopedia p. 61; Eric Haenisch, Die Geheime Geschichte p. 112; Elena Skubuik, ‘Buryat,’ in Hahnunen, Mongolian Languages pp. 102–128; Lincoln, Conquest pp. 51–52; West, Encyclopedia (2009) pp. 132–133. Travellers’ tales on the Buriyat include Sharon Hudgins, ‘Feasting with the Buriats of Southern Siberia,’ in Walker, Food on the Move pp. 136–156; Curtin, A Journey; Matthiessen, Baikal.

160

Rashid’s date of 1155 was followed by the early twentieth-century Russian historians Vladimirtsov and Barthold. Pelliot, always a contrarian, proposes the impossibly late date of 1167 (Pelliot, Notes sur Marco Polo i pp. 281–288). But the best authorities such as Rachewiltz and Ratchnevsky plump for 1162. See the detailed argumentation in Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan pp. 17–19; Rachewiltz, Commentary pp. 320–321.

161

Rachewiltz, Commentary pp. 269, 272, 322–324.

162

SHC p. 14; Pelliot, Notes sur Marco Polo i pp. 288–289; Dunnell, Chinggis Khan p. 21 remarks that this was apt for a child of destiny.

163

Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 322.

164

RT i p. 135; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 171–175.

165

RT i p. 106; Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom p. 142. For the game of knucklebones they played see Jean-Paul Roux, ‘A propos des osselets de Gengis Khan,’ in Heissig et al, Tractata Altaica pp. 557–568. Cf also F. N. David, Games, Gods and Gambling p. 2.

166

Vladimirtsov Le regime social op. cit. p. 76; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes p. 232; Wittfogel & Feng, Liao p. 239.

167

Ratchnevsky, ‘La condition de la femme mongole au 12/13е siecle,’ in Heissig et al, Tractata Altaica pp. 509–530.

168

Togan, ‘The Qongrat in History/ in-Pfeiffer & Quinn, History and Historiography pp. 61–83; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 393, 402–405; Wittfogel & Feng, Liao pp. 92, 634.

169

SHC p. 15; SHW p. 243; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 423–429.

170

Togan, ‘The Qongrat in History/ p. 74.

171

Henry Serruys, ‘Two Remarkable Women in Mongolia,’ Asia Major 19 (1957) pp. 191–245.

172

Mostaert, Sur quelques passages pp. 10–12.

173

SHC p. 17.

174

Riasanovsky, Fundamental Principles p. 239.

175

Zhao, Marriage as Political Strategy p. 4.

176

SHR p. 14; Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 14. Dai Sechen’s dream was full of symbolism, especially as regards shading, since white was regarded as a lucky colour by the Mongols (Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 328).

177

Togan, Flexibility pp. 121–125.

178

L. V Clark, ‘The Theme of Revenge,’ pp. 33–57.

179

SHC p. 18.

180

Silvestre de Sacy, Chrestomathie arabe ii p. 162.

181

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 22.

182

Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 344.

183

RT i p. 133.

184

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 22.

185

May, Mongol Conquests p. 266.

186

SHC p. 22; Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan pp. 20, 24.

187

Rachewiltz, Commentary pp. 346–347.

188

RT i p. 138.

189

Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 185–187.

190

Roux, La mort pp. 92–96.

191

SHC pp. 23–24.

192

SHC p. 25; SHR pp. 23–24.

193

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan pp. 25–26.

194

RT i pp. 93–94; SHC pp. 25–26.

195

SHC pp. 27–28; SHO pp. 70–71.

196

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 26.

197

SHC p. 29; SHO p. 73.

198

SHO pp. 73–74; SHR pp. 26–27.

199

SHO p. 75; SHW p. 252.

200

SHC pp. 30–31.

201

SHO pp. 75–76. For the subsequent career of Bo’orchu, who seems to have died in 1227, roughly the same time as Genghis himself, see Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 342–360.

202

Riasanovsky, Fundamental Principles p. 90.

203

Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 411–414; Vladimirtsov, Le regime social pp. 58–59.

204

RT i pp. 80–89.

205

Krader, Social Organization pp. 39, 89 is the source for this. In the kind of language beloved of academic anthropologists he tells us that Temujin’s marriage was an example of matrilateral cross-cousin marriage (ibid, p. 344).

206

Rachewiltz, Commentary pp. 391–392.

207

RT i p. 93.

208

SHO pp. 79–81; SHR pp. 31–32; SHW p. 256.

209

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 34.

210

JB i pp. 187–188; Boyle, Successors p. 31.

211

SHC pp. 34–38.

212

Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom p. 143. On the other hand, it has been argued strongly that the Merkit raid is not historical but a folkloric trope, a perennial motif in epic poetry about the theft of women, whether of Europa by Zeus, Helen by Paris or the Princess Sita’s seizure in the Hindu epic Ramayana. The raid is one of the prime exhibits in H. Okada, ‘The Secret History of the Mongols, a Pseudo-historical Novel, Journal of Asian and African Studies 5 (1972) pp. 61–67 (at р. 63). But the theory is unconvincing if only because it makes Chagatai’s later violent hostility to Jochi on the grounds of his illegitimacy impossible to fathom.

213

Togan, Flexibility p. 73; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 250, 401.

214

Mostaert, Sur quelques passages p. 32.

215

Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 279–281; Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 421.

216

SHC pp. 38–39.

217

SHO pp. 91–92; SHR p. 41; Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 428.

218

SHC pp. 43–47. As Ratchnevsky tersely comments: ‘Rashid’s version is implausible’ (Genghis Khan p. 35).

219

SHC pp. 39–42.

220

RT i p. 107.

221

RT i pp. 107–108.

222

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 36.

223

SHO pp. 85–87; SHR рр. 35–36.

224

SHO pp. 87–90; SHR pp. 37–39; Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 417.

225

Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 435.

226

SHC pp. 52–53; SHO pp. 95–96; SHR pp. 44–45; SHW p. 262.

227

V V Bartold, ‘Chingis-Khan,’ in Encyclopaedia of Islam (1st ed., repr. 1968 v pp. 615–628 (at p. 617)); Vladimirtsov, Le regime social pp. 107–108; Vladimirtsov, Genghis Khan p. 130.

228

Grousset, Conqueror of the World p. 67.

229

SHO pp. 96–97; SHR pp. 44–46.

230

Vladimirtsov, Le regime social pp. 105–107.

231

As Rachewiltz sagely remarks, ‘If neither Temujin nor his wife could understand Jamuga’s poetic riddle, what hope have we, who are so far removed from that culture, to understand what was the real meaning of those words?’ (Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 442).

232

Owen Lattimore, ‘Chingis Khan and the Mongol Conquests,’ Scientific American 209 (1963) pp. 55–68 (at p. 62); Lattimore, ‘Honor and Loyalty: the case of Temujin and Jamukha,’ in Clark & Draghi, Aspects pp. 127–138 (at p. 133).

233

Grousset, Empire pp. 201–202; Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom pp. 143–145.

234

The numbers mentioned in the Secret History are unreliable for a number of reasons: 1) the author embellished with poetic licence and routinely inflated the size of armies; 2) the author anachronistically projected back into the twelfth century names, titles, technologies and modalities that belonged to an era fifty years in the future; 3) numbers in Mongol histories have a mystical or symbolic significance and therefore cannot be taken seriously for historical research. See Larry Moses, ‘Legends by Numbers: the symbolism of numbers in the Secret History of the Mongols,’ Asian Folklore Studies 55 (1996) pp. 73–97 and Moses, ‘Triplicated Triplets: the Number Nine in the Secret History of the Mongols,’ Asian Folklore Studies 45 (1986) pp. 287–294.

235

For exhaustive detail on the Thirteen see Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 35–37, 53–135. See also Louis Ligeti, ‘Une ancienne interpolation dans I’Altan Tobci,’ Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 26 (1972) pp. 1–10.