The Legend of Sir Lancelot du Lac
The fact that Chrétien makes the two knights brothers clearly indicates that he knew the close kinship existing between their stories; but why, if dealing with a free hand, he should have made Guingamor, and not Graalent, the lord of Avalon it is difficult to say. If free to choose we should have expected the latter; the lai of Graalent stands in far closer connection with that of Lanval (being a variant of the same story) than with that of Guingamor; and Lanval weds the mistress of Avalon. Or, since both were brothers, both might have been represented as dwelling in that mystic island which had not one queen alone as its denizen but nine. The real explanation alike of the connection and the separation of the two knights appears to me to be that Chrétien knew the one lai, and not the other, in an Arthurised form.
Certainly it seems more probable that the gradual assimilation by the lais of an Arthurian character would, so far as the Continent is concerned, take place on Breton rather than on French grounds. They are originally Breton lais; Arthur is a Breton,66 not a French, hero; where would Breton folk-lore and Breton traditionary romance be more likely to coalesce than in the home of both? I do not myself believe that such coalition was the work either of Marie de France or Chrétien de Troyes.
In any case it is beyond the shadow of a doubt that when Chrétien wrote his first Arthurian poem there was already afloat a vast body of popular folk-lore connected with the Arthurian legend, and existing under the form of short poems in rhymed, eight-syllabic verse, the same metre, in fact, as that adopted by Chrétien himself. It is also certain that he knew these lais; highly probable that he knew some of them, as his contemporary Marie de France did, in their Arthurised form. As we shall see presently, there is strong ground for the presumption that for the main incident of his most famous poem, Yvain, he was indebted to such a lai.
Now, without accepting the mechanical theory of Herr Brugger,67 which would make the first Arthurian romances consist of continental lais automatically strung together, I certainly think that the lais played a more important part in the evolution of these romances than we generally realise. In a previous chapter68 I have indicated what would probably be the method of procedure. The original lai would be expanded by the introduction of isolated adventures; other lais, which through demerit of style or music had failed to win popularity, would be drawn upon for incident, or incorporated bodily; one or more popular lais would be added, and the whole worked over and polished up into a complete and finished romance. At first the parts would hang but loosely together, and there would be a good deal of re-selection and discarding of incident before the work crystallised into shape, though the form of the original tale, which was the kernel of the subsequent romance, would not be likely to vary much.
The Lanzelet of Ulrich von Zatzikhoven is, as I suggested above, an example of a romance arrested in development: the kernel of the whole can be detected, but the parts fit badly, and it has never been really worked up into shape. But, unless I am much mistaken, we have in the Welsh tale of The Lady of the Fountain a specimen of the same process at work, of capital importance for critical purposes, since we also possess the completed work, i.e. the Mabinogi has preserved Chrétien's Yvain in process of making. The adventures are practically identical, sequence and incident agree in the main, but in the Welsh version they are much more loosely connected, and there are significant breaks which seem to show where the successive redactions ended. If we follow the indications of the version we shall conclude that as first told the story ended with Yvain's achievement of the 'spring' adventure and his marriage with the lady. This would, I think, represent the original lai, which in its primitive form might well be unconnected with Arthur's court: the king was probably anonymous. The next step would be to Arthurise the story; Yvain must start from Arthur's court, and naturally the court must learn of his success: this was arranged by bringing Arthur and his knights to the spring where they are themselves witnesses, and victims, of Yvain's prowess. It is significant that in all the versions extant Yvain is influenced in his secret departure from court by the conviction that Gawain will demand the adventure of the spring, and thus forestall him; but in the Welsh variant alone is this forecast literally fulfilled and the undecided conflict between Yvain and Gawain fought at the spring. And here the Welsh version breaks again. This was evidently the end of the Arthurised lai, and the point where the conflict between the friends was originally placed. All the variants bear the trace of this second redaction; the Welsh tale alone indicates clearly what was the primitive form. Yvain's transgression of his lady's command (probably first introduced for this purpose), a transgression much more serious in the Welsh, where he stays away for three years, than in the other versions, offered an elastic framework for the introduction of isolated adventures; finally, when the whole was worked over in romance form, his combat with King Arthur's invincible nephew was transferred to the end of the poem, where it formed an appropriate and fitting climax to his feats.
The theory suggested above is based upon certain recognised peculiarities in the evolution of the Breton lais; but the question whether we are justified in making such use of ascertained facts naturally depends upon whether the story related in the romance in question was in its origin one that we might expect to find related in a lai; if it were not, then, however rational the hypothesis may otherwise appear, we should regard it with suspicion as lacking solid foundation.
Granting then that a considerable share in the completion of Arthurian romantic tradition was due to the influence of lais originally independent of that tradition, that the process of fusion had already commenced when Chrétien wrote his poems, and that he was himself familiar with such lais, each of the above points having been already proved, our next step must be to examine the character of the stories related by Chrétien.
Two of the five works we possess (I do not count the Guillaume, which whether it be by Chrétien or not lies outside the scope of our inquiry) must at once be put on one side. Neither Cligés nor the Charrette story (in the form Chrétien tells it) can be based upon lais. But the character of the three more famous poems, Erec, Yvain, and Perceval, is precisely that of a romance composed of traditional and folk-lore themes. In the case of Erec and Perceval this is partially admitted even by the most thoroughgoing advocate of Chrétien's originality, though Professor Foerster would limit the element to the Sparrow-hawk and Joie de la Court adventures in the first, and to Perceval's Enfances as representing a Dümmling folk-tale in the second.69
On this subject I shall have more to say later on; for the present I will confine my remarks to Yvain, on the construction of which Professor Foerster holds a theory, highly complicated in itself, and excluding, as a necessary consequence, any genuine folk-lore element.70
According to this view the main idea of the poem is borrowed from the story of The Widow of Ephesus, a tale of world-wide popularity, the oldest version of which appears to be Oriental (Grisebach considered it to be Chinese), and which in Latin form, as told first by Phædrus and then at greater length in the compilation of The Seven Sages of Rome, was well known in mediæval times.71 With this is combined other elements: a Breton local tradition, classical stories (the Ring of Gyges and the Lion of Androcles), and other stories of unspecified origin.
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1
Brut, ed. Leroux de Lincy, vol. ii. ll. 10158-10360. These remarks also apply to Layamon.
2
Described and illustrated by Zimmerman in Oberitalische Plastik im frühen und hohen Mittelalter: Leipzig, 1897. Cf. also Romania, xxvii. p. 510.
3
It is difficult to resist the conclusion that if the Welsh stories were as late in date and as dependent upon French tradition as some scholars maintain, Lancelot would certainly be mentioned in them.
4
Cf. Erec, Foerster's ed., l. 1694; Hartmann's Erec, l. 1630.
5
Cligés, Foerster's ed., ll. 4765-4798.
6
The advocates of Chrétien as an independent and original genius would do well carefully to consider the meaning of such curious inconsistency. If Chrétien were dealing with matter either of his own invention, or of his own free adaptation, he would surely have been more careful of the unities. If, on the other hand, he simply retold tales belonging to different stages of Arthurian tradition, this is exactly what we might expect to find.
7
In the opening lines of Cligés, Chrétien gives a list of his works. This includes a version of the story of Tristan, and several translations from Ovid. Tristan probably preceded Erec, but there is nothing to indicate the relative order of the other works.
8
Signor Rajna has found the names of Arthur and Gawain in Italian deeds of the first quarter of the twelfth century, and from the nature of some of these deeds it is clear that the persons named therein cannot have been born later than 1080.
9
Charrette, ll. 2347-2362.
10
Romania, vol. x. p. 492.
11
Studies in the Arthurian Legend, chap. vi.
12
The only adventure of the kind I can recall is that of the fiery lance of the Charrette and prose Lancelot, an adventure which is the common property of several knights, and by no means confined to Lancelot.
13
Zeitschrift für französische Sprache und Litteratur, vol. xii. Heft I.
14
Der Karrenritter, herausgegeben von Wendelin Foerster: Halle, 1899.
15
Cf. Anturs of Arthur, where the ghost foretells to Gawain the treason of Mordred, the destruction of the Round Table, and his own death. Lancelot is not mentioned. Nor does he appear in Syr Gawayne and the Grene Knyghte or in The Avowynge of Arthur. In some of the other poems, Galogres and Gawayne, The Carle of Carlile, The Marriage of Sir Gawain, and Sir Libeaus Desconus he is mentioned, but plays no important part. The ballad of Sir Lancelot du Lake in the Percy Collection is a version of an adventure related in the Prose Lancelot.
16
Cf. Karrenritter, Introduction, p. xxxix.
17
The materials for this study had been collected, and my conclusion as to the origin of the Lancelot story arrived at, before the publication of Professor Foerster's book. I am glad to find myself supported in any point by such an authority, but think it well to avoid misconception by stating that my results have been arrived at through independent study.
18
Lanzelet von Ulrich von Zatzikhoven, ed. Hahn: Frankfurt, 1845. Out of print and difficult to procure.
19
This account, and the mention of England, l. 7054, seem to render it possible that the original poem may have been written in this island.
20
This is entirely in accordance with Tristan's character as represented in the poems. He is in the highest degree rusé and resourceful.
21
Is it not possible that this Malduz the magician may be the original of Mauduiz li Sages whom Chrétien ranks as eighth of Arthur's knights? Cf. Erec, 1699. Hartmann's version gives Malduiz; Diu Krône, 1379, Malduz der Weise. The identification seems clear.
22
I am quite at a loss to account for the mistake into which such authorities as M. Gaston Paris and Professor Foerster have apparently fallen. In M. Paris's study the idea that Lanzelet is the rescuer is perhaps rather implied than stated, but when I wrote the Charrette chapter (viii.) in my Studies on the Legend of Sir Gawain, in which I followed the article in Romania, I was certainly under the impression that the latter was the case. In the introduction to the Karrenritter, p. xliv., Professor Foerster distinctly says that Lanzelet frees the queen. I have read and re-read the text carefully and made my final summary direct from it, and there is no doubt that Lanzelet has nothing to do with the matter. The passage in question is contained in ll. 6975-7445. How too did Professor Foerster come to ignore the real character of Guinevere's imprisonment? Cf. Charrette, lxxi.
23
Karrenritter, Introduction, p. xliv.
24
I think it is worthy of note that though Lanzelet is the hero of the tale here and not Guinglain, Gawain's son, as elsewhere, yet in this poem Lanzelet is Arthur's nephew, and of Gawain's kin, which he is not in any other version. The Fier Baiser is thus still restricted to the family of Gawain.
25
Cf. my Legends of the Wagner Drama, Siegfried.
26
I say especially 'as told by Geoffrey and Wace,' for these writers give us clearly to understand that the queen was a consenting party, and no victim to Mordred's treachery. It is quite a different version from that of the prose Lancelot.
27
I shall have occasion to refer very frequently to Professor Foerster's introduction. It is a full and powerful statement of views which so far as they affect the origin and evolution of the Arthurian legend I believe to be radically unsound. It is most useful to have at hand a summary so clear and concise.
28
Merlin, G. Paris and Ulrich's ed., vol. ii. pp. 136-137.
29
In the prose Lancelot the hero is always addressed as 'king's son.' Cf. in this connection Professor Ker's review of my Legend of Sir Gawain, Folk-lore, vol. ix. p. 266. I incline to think that the question of a hero's possessing from the first a name and a well-marked story depends upon whether he has or has not an existence in myth. If of mythical origin he probably would have both, if an actor in folk-tale very likely neither; thus while I should reject Professor Ker's correction as regards Gawain, I would certainly hold it true of Lancelot. In the case of this latter hero, I think his name may well have been determined by his title du Lac. The tendency of early verse is towards alliteration, probably mere chance determined the Lancelot, the one essential was that it should begin with an L. It should, I think, also be noted that while in the Lanzelet the hero's ignorance of his name and birth are genuine, in the prose Lancelot he knows who he is, and the wrong done to his father and uncle by Claudas. The pseudonyms 'Filz du Roi,' 'Beau Varlet' are here unnecessary; a meaningless survival from the original tale.
30
This feature is, I think, peculiar to Wolfram; Chrétien does not mention it.
31
Professor Hertz, in his edition of the Parzival, p. 440, records these points of contact, but does not discuss the question of the relation of the two poems. Professor Foerster in his introduction simply notes that the instruction by Johfrit de Liez recalls the Perceval story.
32
Layamon 'Brut' knows Maurin of Winchester as a kinsman of Arthur's, ll. 20238 and 24336. I have not found the name elsewhere.
33
It appears to me that, in view of Herr P. Hagen's excellent demonstration of the correctness of the many curious Oriental references with which the Parzival abounds, and his remarkable identification of Wolfram's Grail with a sacred Bætylus stone, it is impossible any longer to deny the possession, by Wolfram, of a source other than Chrétien's poem. But whether the Lanzelet offers another proof or not I should hesitate to say. If it does, the evidence, extending as it does over so much of the Parzival, is of the greatest value as an indication of the extent of Kiot's work.
34
Lancelot, ed. Jonckbloet, vol. ii. ll. 22271-23126. The summaries in this chapter, and all subsequent references to the Dutch Lancelot, are taken direct from the text. A summary of the romance here discussed is given by M. Gaston Paris, Histoire Littéraire de la France, vol. xxx. p. 113.
35
Throughout the Dutch Lancelot we have constant references to Gawain's skill in healing. Cf. Parzival, x. 104. Chrétien does not appear to know this trait in Gawain's character.
36
The lai of Tyolet was published by M. Gaston Paris in vol. viii. of Romania, 'Lais Inédits.' I have given a prose translation in vol. iii. of Arthurian Romances unrepresented in Malory.
37
Cf. Merlin, Sommer's ed. chap. xxiv. p. 302.
38
Tristan, vol. i. Book XIII., ed. Bechstein, Deutsche classiker des Mittelalters; also my translation of same, Arthurian Romances, No. ii. vol. i.
39
Dutch Lancelot, vol. i. l. 42,540 to end. The portion dealing with the adventure begins l. 43,593; the adventure itself, l. 46,514; also summarised in Hist. Litt. vol. xxx.
40
The poem itself has been discussed by M. Gaston Paris in Romania, vol. xii., and by Professor Foerster in the introduction to his edition. The question of Guinevere's rescuer has been treated by Professor Rhys in his Studies in the Arthurian Legend, and in M. Gaston Paris's article just referred to, and that on Ulrich von Zatzikhoven's Lanzelet in Romania, vol. x. I have also devoted a chapter in my Legend of Sir Gawain to the subject.
41
The concluding portion of the poem is by Godefroy de Leigni, who, however, worked with Chrétien's knowledge and approval, so that practically the work may be held to be Chrétien's throughout.
42
Livre, Cligés and Perceval; conte, Erec and Chevalier au Lion. The concluding lines of the latter, 'qu'onques plus conter n'an oï,' clearly indicate this. I shall return to this subject in the next chapter.
43
The manifold discrepancies of Chrétien's version were long ago remarked upon by M. Gaston Paris, and even Professor Foerster, with all his enthusiasm for the poet, is constrained to admit their existence, but he considers some of the puzzles were of Chrétien's own making, and he intended later to clear them up. Why then did he not explain them to Godefroy de Leigni, who finished the poem with Chrétien's approval?
44
I do not here include either the mediæval Welsh fragments or Malory's account. The meaning of the former cannot be accurately ascertained, and the latter practically represents the same version as that of the Charrette poem, though the question of source cannot, as I shall prove later on, be held to be definitely settled.
45
Cf. Simrock, Handbuch der deutschen Mythologie, Dornröschen. Some of the details of Arthur's journey to Valerîn's stronghold are worth the attention of folk-lore experts, e.g. the curious account of the Schrîenden Mose, that at certain times utters loud cries, drî tage vor sunegihten sô schrît daz mos und selten mêr, and the curious fish in its stream, which are 'ebenlanc und ebenkurz,' and of which 'die Engellende' have many. Cf. Lanzelet, ll. 7040 et seq.
46
On these varying forms of the 'other-world' dwelling, cf. Rassmann Heldensage, vol. i. p. 152.
47
Legend of Sir Gawain, chap. viii.
48
As a rule, whenever in the Iwein Hartmann does depart from his source, it is with the effect of making the story more coherent and probable. I have noted several instances of this in my study on the Yvain poems, Modern Quarterly for Language and Literature, July and November, 1898.
49
Cf. Parzival, Book VII. 1472.
50
Cf. Parzival, Book VII., as above; also 590 et seq. and 1355 et seq.
51
Cf. Der Gral, P. Hagen: Strassburg, 1900. I am unable to accept the author's contention that the Bætylus-Grail represents the original form of the talisman; but he certainly proves the correctness of the many curious references to Oriental literature which are peculiar to Wolfram's version of the story, and cannot possibly have been within that writer's own knowledge.
52
In this connection, cf. Dr. Brown's study on The Round Table before Wace, vol. vii. of Harvard Studies: Boston, 1900; and the incidental demonstration that Layamon had access to Welsh traditions unknown to Wace.
53
For the first, cf. Legend of Sir Gawain, chap. ix., where I have discussed the variants of the poem. For The Marriage of Sir Gawain, cf. Mr. Maynadier's exhaustive study of The Wife of Bath's Tale, vol. xiii. of the present series. In the case of the Green Knight there are certain peculiarities of names which point to an intermediate French stage, which, in this instance at least, cannot well have been other than an Anglo-Norman poem.
54
The French variant which seems to have most affinity with the tale referred to is that of the Didot Perceval, printed by M. Hucher in vol. i. of his Saint Graal, p. 453.
55
Introduction, Charrette, p. cxxvii.
56
Cf. 'Nouvelles Etudes sur la provenance du cycle Arthurien,' Romania, vols. xxvii. and xxviii.
57
Cf. Artus Kampf mit dem Katzenungetum, E. Freymond, Halle: 1899.
58
Romania, vol. xxix. p. 121 et seq.
59
The evidence of the lais, and the fact that Marie de France was Chrétien's contemporary, forbids us to postulate an entirely oral transmission.
60
Of this the 'runs' of Celtic and Gaelic story-tellers form a good example. Cf. Hyde's Beside the Fire, p. xxv.
61
Mr. E. S. Hartland, to whom I submitted the question.
62
Cf. M. Ferd. Lot 'La patrie des lais Bretons,' Romania, vol. xxviii.